2020年1月14日火曜日

BOOK REVIEW:“The pathology of the ‘overly-strong Liberal Democratic Party’” (“Tsuyosugiru ‘Jimintou no Byouri’”)


"The Pathology of the ‘overly-strong Liberal Democratic Party," written by Nobuo Ikeda.
He makes many points with regard to postwar political historical views with which I agree, and I will address these and comment.
:Ikeda 's points. →:My comments.

The Liberal Democratic Party is a consistent populist party, and in the early years was a party of farmers, but created a pork barrel system for public works and welfare handouts.

Initially, there was the conflict of bureaucratic origin = ideology vs party = realism, but the latter is the essence of the Liberal Democratic Party, and I think Kakuei Tanaka represented that.

"Japanese capitalists disappeared due to land reforms and the dismantlement of financial conglomerates, so banks that collected individual deposits at low interest rates provided capital, and Japanese-style capitalism, which is run by presidents who were salaried workers, was established."

Ikeda states that from the Edo period, the social structure was a “reverse social status” which was more beneficial to farmers and merchants than to samurai. Following the war, this reversed even further. This socialist growth, which lacked stratification, was described by the former Ministry of Finance as the Grand Design, and was implemented by GHQ.

The salaried workers identified as belonging to companies, not labor organizations, and the company family became the supporting base of the Liberal Democratic Party. Social security was expanded, and the attraction of the “‘welfare state’” of the Social Democratic Party’ was seized by the Liberal Democratic Party."

→ These are the Liberal Democratic Party's realist politics. I think that its current sate is the accumulation of having stuck to the area and won over the immediate base support.

Ichiro Ozawa’s "Japan reconstruction plan" sought a small government. It was the academic consensus of the likes of Heizo Takenaka in those days. The Koizumi-Takenaka line advanced the small government, but Ozawa strayed after that, became a leftist, and aimed for a large government. Prime Minister Abe is also aiming for a large government.

→ I wrote the part about the Japan reconstruction plan and the communication of information. At that time, the government office was also keen on this new plan. It was largely realized, but it was not Ozawa who realized it. A big plan is now being pursued once again.

The Koizumi administration promoted the official residence initiative. The schemes to coordinate the relevant government agencies and the ruling party, from drafting bills to reaching cabinet meetings, were a bottom-up government system which had remained unchanged since the Edo period.

90% of my life as a government official was multilayered “coordination.” Drafting, coordination within the ministry, seminars, councils, media measures, the Cabinet Legislation Bureau, negotiations with other ministries and government offices, cabinet meetings, coordination with the ruling party, and opposition party measures.

The bureaucracy did not move even when the administration of the Democratic Party of Japan ordered it. Policies were not realized with politically-led visions. They were indifferent to the civil servant system which formed the core of initiatives taken by politicians, and policies were announced prohibiting retiring high-ranking government officials taking lucrative jobs in private corporation​s.

The Democratic Party administration prioritized ideology over reality. Young politicians from the bureaucratic alumni attempted to realize these ideals. However, most of them were those who had moved  from assistant section chief class, and compared with the former Liberal Democrats and bureaucrats who had risen from the rank of vice-minister and bureau director, their weight in the Japanese government departments was insufficient.  

The source of Abe’s strength is the political innovation which has realized the official residence initiative. It’s “a system in which the Chief Cabinet Secretary Yoshihide Suga directly governsbureaucrats.” He handles the personnel affairs of the upper echelons of the Japanese government departments through the Cabinet Personnel Management Agency, and it was a substantial political appointment.

→ The current administration is a clerk-heavy model. Chief Cabinet Secretary Gotoda from the Nakasone administration, and Chief Cabinet Secretary Nonaka from the Obuchi administration come to mind.

“The only way to rebuild public finance is with a dramatic overhaul of social security. If it is left as it is now and public finance collapses, “hard landings” including substantial cuts to pensions and hyperinflation cannot be avoided. “Fiscal reconstruction begins with the dismantling of the Ministry of Health, Labour and Welfare.

There is only one policy statement written at the end. I also believe that this field is the most important political issue. The next time the political season comes to Japan, I think that this issue will either explode or be involved in international disputes.

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